Donald Trump: Impeachment is Not a Coup
Early in October, Donald Trump tweeted, “As I learn more and more each day, I am coming to the conclusion that what is taking place is not an impeachment, it is a COUP, intended to take away the Power of the People, their VOTE, their Freedoms, their Second Amendment, Religion, Military, Border Wall, and their God-given rights as a Citizen of The United States of America!” (Mellen) He is referring to the actions by the House of Representatives that opened up a line of inquiry about impeachment over Trump’s phone call to Ukraine. In the phone call, Trump asked for help from Ukraine in investigating the son of his top Democratic rival for the 2020 presidential election, Joe Biden. Since Trump had ordered several hundred million dollars in military aid be held from Ukraine, the phone call looked as if he was expecting quid pro quo (one thing in exchange for another). In this case, the exchange was the military aid for a promise to investigate Hunter Biden, which is equivalent to bribery or coercion.
Trump’s choice of rhetorical terms to describe the impeachment was used incorrectly. Of course, Trump is known for misusing words, but this use of the word “coup” was not something he did inadvertently or because he does not have a very big vocabulary. This misuse of the word “coup” was done to fire up his base against impeachment. Ruby Mellen, who wrote the Washington Post article quoted above, says, “A coup, commonly defined as explicit action involving the military with the intent to overthrow the government, was not what was happening when Democrats launched an investigation into whether Trump was fit for office after allegedly asking a foreign leader for assistance in investigating the son of a political opponent” (Mellen). Trump wanted his supporters to think that what the House of Representatives is doing was not the legitimate use of the power granted them by the Constitution. He wants to stir up a counter-reaction to the impeachment; he wanted to create a coup of his own.
In 1998, when the Republicans tried unsuccessfully to impeach Bill Clinton, Democrats used the word “coup” also, but the threat of a national rift outside political arenas was not as great then. Now, there are many right-wing groups with lots of gun and ammunition stored for the very purpose of “taking back their country” when they do not like the turn of political events. Trump regularly appeals to them with his rhetoric. To them, the idea of impeaching Trump would be the equivalent of a military takeover, especially if they also do not have a good grasp on vocabulary. Of course, it would be they who used weapons, so it would be they attempting to initiate a coup.
The comparison of impeachment to a coup is absurd. Three other presidents have faced impeachment. There was no military takeover even hinted at in any of them. The impeachment process is detailed in the Constitution even if the reasons for impeachment are somewhat vague. Julian Zelizer of CNN cites Article II, Section 4 of the Constitution which says, “The President, Vice President and all Civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors” (Zelizer). The “high Crimes and Misdemeanors” is the portion that is vague, and the part on which the Republicans relied in 1998. Perhaps it is the part that Democrats in 2019 will rely on also; however, there is a good case for other portions of the section such as bribery that may fit Trump’s alleged crimes better.
To be specific, Clinton’s attempted impeachment was based on perjury and obstruction of justice over an extramarital affair. Trump’s is based on attempted collusion with another country to sway election result, which may be defined as treason. An independent special council investigation headed by Bob Mueller looked into whether the Trump campaign colluded with Russia to interfere in the 2016 presidential election. Mueller did not find enough evidence to say that there was definite collusion. However, as Sharon LaFraniere of the New York Times reports, Mueller declined to clear President Trump of obstruction of justice. He said, “If we had had confidence that the president clearly did not commit a crime, we would have said so . . . . The Constitution provides for another remedy to formally accuse a president of wrongdoing — a clear reference to the ability of Congress to conduct impeachment proceedings” (Franiere). Democrats in 1998 may have accused Republicans of attempting a coup, yet no one really thought that guns would be drawn. Today, we are not so certain that there would not be violence should the impeachment be successful.
One reason that comparing impeachment to a coup is incorrect is that the impeachment process is lengthy, detailed and very careful. It is also public. Impeachment must take place in the established method laid out by the Constitution, which does not include the military or any unelected government officials (Zelizer). A coup is without process. It is a violent takeover of power. Had the process of impeachment inquiry that just ended not been legitimate or based on flimsy evidence, the Republicans could have stopped the process from continuing, but the votes were not there, and so, now it moves forward. When the matter gets to the Senate, where the Republicans have the majority, it could be easily defeated, or Republicans could vote their consciences and not along party lines. Unfortunately, the party lines have been drawn. Li Zhou of Vox explains, “In order for the Senate to convict the president of charges, 20 Senate Republicans would have to join with the 47-member Democratic caucus in order to reach the 67-person supermajority threshold that’s needed” (Zhou). That is unlikely to happen, but perhaps some Republicans will cross party lines. If the Senate fails to impeach, there will be no violence, no military will be called out. If Trump is impeached, no one is quite sure of what will happen, but violence is a possibility.
Using the word “coup” in reference to impeachment is not grammatically or conceptually correct. However, it may have a purpose for those who have made the comparison. Perhaps it is meant as a threat that if Trump is impeached, his followers should resort to violence. Jelani Cobb of the New Yorker points out, “From the loftiest perch in American politics, Trump has spewed vitriol, trampled norms, provoked violence, nurtured racism and misogyny, invited foreign intervention into an American election, befriended adversaries, and alienated allies” (Cobb). Why should we think that he will not stir up his supporters to commit violence if he is impeached?
Trump used the word “coup” recently, but even before that he claimed that he and his supporters were “at war” with those who are conducting the impeachment and who oppose him and his administration. According to Asawin Suebsaeng of the Daily Beast in a speech on September 24, 2019, Trump said, “I want to know who’s the person—who’s the person who gave the whistleblower the information? Because that’s close to a spy. . . .You know what we used to do in the old days when we were smart? Right? The spies and treason—we used to handle it a little differently than we do now. . . . We’re at war” (Suebsaeng). While this may sound like Trump attempting to be tough, it may also be code for his supporters to arm themselves and prepare for violence.
Claiming that impeachment is a coup, means that the House investigation into Trump’s actions on the Ukraine phone call is outside the power of the House to perform. Jamelle Bouie of the New York Times explains an implication of the impeachment/coup comparison is that impeaching the president would overturn the will of the people. “If Trump is removed from office, he’ll be replaced by the Republican vice president he chose and vetted during the presidential campaign. The Trump administration, including his cabinet officials . . . will still exist. His judges will still be on the bench. Presidential removal is certainly significant, but it isn’t nullification” (Bouie). Not only that, Trump became president only through the electoral vote. He lost the popular vote by 3 million votes. He cannot claim his removal would be against the will of the majority of Americans.
Trump supporters predict violence too. Cristiano Lima of Politico cites Roger Stone, a longtime friend to Trump, who predicted in 2017 “there would be a ‘spasm of violence’ tantamount to civil war if the president were brought under impeachment charges by Congress” (Lima). The latest Gallup poll taken in the middle of October 2019 shows Trump’s approval rating at 39% (Gallup). That is clearly not a majority. The website, FiveThirtyEight shows that Trump’s disapproval rating is at 54.8% while his approval rating is only 40.9% (FiveThirtyEight). While the polls do not indicate a supermajority disapproval, it clearly shows that Trump is not popular at the moment, and never really was. The most important poll was the 2016 election. Many believe the election was influenced by Russia and that is why Trump won.
Current polls show a close enough margin between those who support him and those who do not that there is a potential for conflict if he is removed from office by impeachment even if it is a constitutionally sanctioned process. That leads many to believe Trump’s talk of coup and war and his frequent references to violence are really hints to his most radical supporters. Trump does not want to leave office now or ever. He wants to remain even if his is voted out a year from now. He is not above inciting violence if he is lawfully removed by impeachment. He will stage his own coup. If that occurs, coup will be the correct word to use.
Works Cited
Bouie, Jamelle. "Impeachment is not a Coup." 30 October 2019. New York Times. Web. 2 November 2019. < https://www.nytimes.com/2019/1... >.
Cobb, Jelani. "Why Trump, Facing Impeachment, Warns of Civil War." 5 October 2019. New Yorker. Web. 2 November 2019. < https://www.newyorker.com/news... >.
FiveThirtyEight. "How unpopular is Donald Trump." 2 November 2019. FiveThirtyEight. Web. 2 November 2019. < https://projects.fivethirtyeig... >.
Franiere, Sharon La. "Mueller, in First Comments on Russia Inquiry, Declines to Clear Trump." 29 May 2019. New York Times. Web. 2 November 2019. < https://www.nytimes.com/2019/0... >.
Gallup. "Presidential Approval Ratings -- Donald Trump." October 2019. Gallup. Web. 2 November 2019. < https://news.gallup.com/poll/2... >.
Lima, Cristiano. "Roger Stone predicts violent 'insurrection' if Trump is impeached." 25 August 2017. Politico. Web. 2 November 2019. < https://www.politico.com/story... >.
Mellen, Ruby. "Trump called impeachment a ‘coup.’ Here’s why past U.S. officials have avoided the word." 2 October 2019. Washington Post. Web. 2 November 2019. < https://www.washingtonpost.com... >.
Suebsaeng, Asawin. "Trump Ponders Violent Retribution as the White House Projects Impeachment Calm." 26 September 2019. Daily Beast. Web. 2 November 2019. < https://www.thedailybeast.com/... >.
Zelizer, Julian. "Why Impeachment is not a Coup." 2 November 2019. CNN. Web. 2 November 2019. < https://www.cnn.com/2019/11/02... >.
Zhou, Li. "8 Republican senators to watch on impeachment." 14 October 2019. Vox. Web. 2 November 2019. < https://www.vox.com/2019/10/14... >.
